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Burlington Self-Survey on Human Relations: Final report, 1950
Page 79
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79 ful point of reference for the current Negro housing data. In terms of these indices of the quality of Negro housing, the following observations appear significant: 1. The general character of Negro dwellings covered in our sample is highly similar in quality to housing for the city at large in 1940. This is particularly true for the more permanent aspects of housing which do not change substantially over a ten year period, such as the types of structure and exterior materials. One family structures constitute the dominant type for both the Negro sample and the 1940 data, there being 76.4 per cent of such structures in the Negro sample and 77.4 per cent in the latter. The proportion of structures constructed with exterior wood materials is the same for both groups. 2. The 1950 Negro household is approximately the same as that of all households in 1940. The slightly larger average number of persons for Negro households does not appear significant. At the same time, there appeared to be no Negro households with 1.5 or more persons per room, while 2.5 percent of all 1940 households were so classified. This suggests less crowding in Negro residences than obtains for the city at large, although the addition of new housing since 1940 has probably altered this proportion for the city at large. The proportion of over crowded dwelling units, however, is small. 3. Rental values for Negro dwellings in 1950 average about the same as value for all dwellings in 1940. There has been a general rise in rents over this ten-year period, so that the Negro rental values are most likely lower than present values for the city. This probably reflects a poorer quality of rental accommodation. 4. Two of the most striking features of the comparison of Negro housing to that of the city at large occurs with ownership and the cost of dwellings,. Owner occupied structures occur with very high frequency in both the Negro group of 1950 and the city in 1940. This seems to be a general characteristic of the nature of housing occupancy in the community. Nevertheless, three-fourths of the Negro dwellings are in the ownership class, and this is about ten per cent higher than the proportion for the city at large in 1940. In 1940 census data, the proportion of Negro ownership was 40 per cent of all Negro occupied dwellings. Thus it would seem that the
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79 ful point of reference for the current Negro housing data. In terms of these indices of the quality of Negro housing, the following observations appear significant: 1. The general character of Negro dwellings covered in our sample is highly similar in quality to housing for the city at large in 1940. This is particularly true for the more permanent aspects of housing which do not change substantially over a ten year period, such as the types of structure and exterior materials. One family structures constitute the dominant type for both the Negro sample and the 1940 data, there being 76.4 per cent of such structures in the Negro sample and 77.4 per cent in the latter. The proportion of structures constructed with exterior wood materials is the same for both groups. 2. The 1950 Negro household is approximately the same as that of all households in 1940. The slightly larger average number of persons for Negro households does not appear significant. At the same time, there appeared to be no Negro households with 1.5 or more persons per room, while 2.5 percent of all 1940 households were so classified. This suggests less crowding in Negro residences than obtains for the city at large, although the addition of new housing since 1940 has probably altered this proportion for the city at large. The proportion of over crowded dwelling units, however, is small. 3. Rental values for Negro dwellings in 1950 average about the same as value for all dwellings in 1940. There has been a general rise in rents over this ten-year period, so that the Negro rental values are most likely lower than present values for the city. This probably reflects a poorer quality of rental accommodation. 4. Two of the most striking features of the comparison of Negro housing to that of the city at large occurs with ownership and the cost of dwellings,. Owner occupied structures occur with very high frequency in both the Negro group of 1950 and the city in 1940. This seems to be a general characteristic of the nature of housing occupancy in the community. Nevertheless, three-fourths of the Negro dwellings are in the ownership class, and this is about ten per cent higher than the proportion for the city at large in 1940. In 1940 census data, the proportion of Negro ownership was 40 per cent of all Negro occupied dwellings. Thus it would seem that the
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